Petr Topychkanov is no longer with the Carnegie Endowment.
Petr Topychkanov was a fellow at the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Nonproliferation Program.
Since 2009, he has also held the position of senior researcher at the Center for International Security at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO RAN). In 2014, he joined the Center’s Information Security Problems Group. Petr Topychkanov has been an expert at the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) since 2014, a participant of the Program on Strategic Stability Evaluation at the Georgia Institute of Technology (Atlanta, Georgia) since 2009, and an associate of the South and Central Asia Project at the York Centre for Asian Research (Toronto, Canada) since 2015.
He has been a member of the editorial board of the Nuclear Club journal (Moscow) since 2009.
He has taught courses on modern history and the religion and society of South Asian countries at Moscow State University’s Institute of Asian and African Studies (2006–2009), the Institute of Practical Oriental Studies (2005–2011), St. Tikhon’s Orthodox University of Humanities (2006–2011), and Stroganov Moscow State University of Arts and Industry (2009–2013).
Petr Topychkanov earned his doctorate in history from the Institute of Asian and African Studies at Moscow State University in 2009. In 2007–2008, he was awarded the Presidential Scholarship and in 2010–2011 he was a Stanton Nuclear Security Fellow.
Petr Topychkanov is the author of a number of papers including “Nuclear Weapons and Strategic Security in South Asia” (2011), “India’s Prospects in the Area of Ballistic Missile Defense: A Regional Security Perspective” (2012), “Russia and Pakistan: Shared Challenges and Common Opportunities” with Vladimir Moskalenko (2014), and the co-author of several collective works including “Nuclear Proliferation: New Technologies, Weapons, Treaties” (2009), “Outer Space: Weapons, Diplomacy, and Security” (2010), “World of Khaki: Armed Forces in the System of State Power” (2011), “Nuclear Reset: Arms Reduction and Nonproliferation” (2012), “Prospects of Engaging India and Pakistan in Nuclear Arms Limitations” (2012), “Missile Defense: Confrontation and Cooperation” (2013), “Alarming Contours of the Future: Russia and the World in 2020” (2015), “The New Military-Industrial Powers” (2016), and other scientific publications.
Petr Topychkanov’s articles are frequently published in the press.
The proliferation of new technologies threatens to increase the risks of nuclear use. Join us to discuss two of those risks; precision-strike weapons in the hands of U.S. allies and artificial intelligence.
Russia’s growing defense cooperation with Pakistan and contacts with the Taliban are a matter of concern for India.
The risk of an inadvertent nuclear war is rising because of the entanglement of non-nuclear weapons with nuclear weapons and their command-and-control capabilities.
The attack in St Petersburg should push Moscow to revisit its counterterrorism strategy and be ready to meet the challenge of this evolving threat. Monday’s bombing should make Kremlin understand the need for a comprehensive strategy.
Russia and Iran should talk more about how they interpret each other’s interests, adjust these interpretations and avoid misinterpretations in the future.
If explained in details and promoted by the Russian and Bangladeshi authorities, solutions about water supply, spent nuclear fuel, and security could end some concerns and fears about the Rooppur NPP and help create a friendly environment around this project.
Media reports about a rapprochement between Russia and the Taliban are not even close to reality. Moscow, however, has opened communication channels with the Afghan group, with an eye on protecting its own interests in the country.
Even if Moscow wisely avoids a bid for the mediator role in South Asia, behind the scenes it could facilitate dialogue between India and Pakistan on bilateral issues.
Recent developments in Russia-Pakistan relations seem to create a false impression of solid cooperation, which simultaneously irritates a few third countries. This is why Russia needs to rethink not only its policy towards Islamabad, but the region as a whole.
Speculations about the U.S. policy in South Asia may be right or wrong. But at least one thing is clear. In his policy toward South Asia, Trump will follow his understanding of pragmatic and realistic interests of the United States, and not seek how to please leaders of South Asian countries and beyond, including Russia.
