This person is no longer with the Carnegie Endowment.
Joseph Cirincione was the Director for Non-Proliferation at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and author of Deadly Arsenals: Nuclear, Biological and Chemical Threats, (Second Edition, 2005) and co-author of Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security (March 2005). He teaches at the Georgetown University Graduate School of Foreign Service and is one of America’s best known weapons experts, appearing frequently in print and on FOX News, CNN, ABC, NBC, PBS, NPR and occasionally on Comedy Central.
Joseph Cirincione appears in the 2005 award-winning documentary, "Why We Fight," by Eugene Jarecki.
In May 2004 the National Journal listed Cirincione as one of the 100 people who will play a critical role in the policy debates of this administration. The World Affairs Councils of America also named him one of 500 people whose views have the most influence in shaping American foreign policy.
Cirincione worked for nine years in the U.S. House of Representatives on the professional staff of the Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Government Operations. He is the author of numerous articles on proliferation and weapons issues, a co-author of WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implication (January 2004), the editor of Repairing the Regime (Routledge, 2000) and producer of the award-winning DVD, The Proliferation Threat.
He was the publisher and editor of the Internet site, ProliferationNews.org. In December 2003 the National Journal said "Cirincione was a trailblazer, recognizing the Web's potential long before others in the field did. This site reflects his experience at making voluminous information easily accessible." He organized and chaired the annual Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference, the premier event in the field.
He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He is an honors graduate of Boston College and holds a Masters of Science with highest honors from the Georgetown School of Foreign Service.
Selected Publications: WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implications (Carnegie Endowment Report, January 2004); North Korea and Iran: Test Cases for an Improved Nonproliferation Regime? (Arms Control Today, December 2003); Deadly Arsenals: Tracking Weapons of Mass Destruction (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2002)
From the Carnegie Moscow Center - Joseph Cirincione, president of the Ploughshares Fund, and Philip E. Coyle, senior advisor at the Center for Defense Information argue that without cooperation between the U.S. and Russia, anti-missile defense development could adversely affect bilateral relations and undercut strategic stability.
Symposium on Nuclear Nonproliferation held at Rowan University on April 11, 2008.
Event Video
Discussion with Mark Hibbs, Nucleonics Week, at the 2007 Carnegie International Nonproliferation Conference.
A team of leading nonproliferation experts offers a blueprint for rethinking the international nonproliferation regime. They offer a fresh approach to deal with states and terrorists, nuclear weapons, and fissile materials through a twenty-step, priority action agenda.
Some in the U.S. administration have already made up their minds that they would like to launch a military strike against Iran, if the UN Security Council does not impose sanctions on Iran. This is a counterproductive move to the goal of enabling the Iranian people to choose their own government.
If Francis Fukuyama is right, the neoconservative movement is dying. Good riddance. Through their network within the Bush administration, these intellectuals wreaked havoc on American national security interests, ruined the international reputation of the country and drove up a staggering national debt.
On March 20th, President George Bush said in Cleveland: “If I might correct a misperception, I don’t think we ever said, at least I know I didn’t say that there was a direct connection between September 11th and Saddam Hussein.”
To help judge the accuracy of this statement we reprint below a section from WMD in Iraq: Evidence and Implications, byJoseph Cirincione, Jessica Mathews and George Perkovich (Carnegie Endowment, January 2004). It begins with a selection of official statements on the connection, then examines the evidence supporting these statements before and after the invasion. Since publication of the report the evidence that there was no operational connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq has only grown stronger.
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Administration Statements
Administration officials said that Iraq had operational ties to Al Qaeda, would give terrorists weapons of mass destruction to use against the United States, and implied that Saddam Hussein was linked to the September 11 attacks.
“[T]here clearly are contacts between Al Qaeda and Iraq . . . there clearly is testimony that some of the contacts have been important contacts and that there’s a relationship here.” (National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, PBS “NewsHour with Jim Lehrer,” 25 September 2002)“Evidence from intelligence sources, secret communications, and statements by people now in custody reveal that Saddam Hussein aids and protects terrorists, including members of Al Qaeda. Secretly, and without fingerprints, he could provide one of his hidden weapons to terrorists, or help them develop their own. Before September the 11th, many in the world believed that Saddam Hussein could be contained. But chemical agents, lethal viruses and shadowy terrorist networks are not easily contained. Imagine those 19 hijackers with other weapons and other plans—this time armed by Saddam Hussein. It would take one vial, one canister, one crate slipped into this country to bring a day of horror like none we have ever known.” (President Bush, State of the Union, 28 January 2003)“Saddam Hussein has longstanding, direct and continuing ties to terrorist networks. Senior members of Iraqi intelligence and Al Qaeda have met at least eight times since the early 1990s. Iraq has sent bomb-making and document forgery experts to work with al Qaeda. Iraq has also provided Al Qaeda with chemical and biological weapons training. And an Al Qaeda operative was sent to Iraq several times in the late 1990s for help in acquiring poisons and gases. We also know that Iraq is harboring a terrorist network headed by a senior Al Qaeda terrorist planner. This network runs a poison and explosive training camp in northeast Iraq, and many of its leaders are known to be in Baghdad.” (President Bush, Radio Address, 8 February 2003) (Read More)
The threat of bioterrorism has been greatly exaggerated. There are fewer state bioweapons programs today than 15 years ago and to date, no state is known to have assisted any nonstate or terrorist group to obtain biological weapons.
