Imran Khan’s arrest is another case of business as usual in the country’s frustrating, illiberal democratic experiment.
James Schwemlein is a nonresident scholar in the South Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he writes and works on South Asia and the Indo-Pacific.
He is also a senior director with Albright Stonebridge Group, where he advises clients on regulatory challenges and business strategies.
Schwemlein previously served at both the World Bank and the U.S. State Department. At the World Bank, he co-led a project assessing the political and economic risks associated with China’s expanding investments in South Asia and advised local governments on how best to manage those risks.
Earlier in his career, Schwemlein served as senior advisor to the U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan at the State Department, helping lead regional diplomatic strategy and negotiations around the Afghanistan conflict. He was also responsible for improving the alignment of U.S. development and economic programs and initiatives to advance U.S. interests in the region. He previously worked on the Pakistan desk at the State Department and as a trade policy officer responsible for trade and investment promotion activities.
Schwemlein is a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. He received his M.A. in international affairs from American University and his B.A. from Elon University.
Imran Khan’s arrest is another case of business as usual in the country’s frustrating, illiberal democratic experiment.
Khan’s pernicious accusations are among the many challenges for Shehbaz Sharif and Pakistan’s new government.
Experts from throughout Carnegie’s global network assess the stark humanitarian toll, the regional ramifications, and the diplomatic challenges posed by the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan.
To succeed, the Quad needs to evolve from a China-focused club of four to a group of first movers on an array of specific functional challenges. The best way to do this is for the four countries to form the core of a rotating set of ad hoc problem-solving coalitions in the Indo-Pacific.
Pakistani ambassador-at-large Ali Jehangir Siddiqui discusses Pakistan-U.S. business ties in the context of the U.S.-Taliban negotiations and the U.S.'s hopes to end the war in Afghanistan.
How the India-Pakistan rivalry will play into the emerging great power competition in South Asia.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has strategic implications for China-Pakistan, China-India, India-U.S., and U.S.-China relations. U.S. targeted support to Pakistan could prevent Pakistan’s dependence on China, mitigating some of the most negative effects.
BRI recipient states undergoing democratic transitions are asserting greater influence over the direction of China’s efforts. This is likely to continue as long as China’s flawed business model remains unchanged.
Indian observers hope that the enhanced military capabilities demonstrated in India’s attack will deter future Pakistani terrorism.
Whether the recently agreed-upon U.S.-Taliban draft peace framework will lead to real peace negotiations between Kabul and the Taliban or serve as U.S. President Donald Trump’s pretext for departing Afghanistan is unknown. The hard choices for the United States, the Afghan government, the Taliban, and regional and international stakeholders are still to come.