Since last May, Ansar Allah, which is more often referred to as the Houthis, has engaged in a significant crackdown in Yemen, arresting more than 72 humanitarian and development local workers employed by the United Nations, nongovernmental organizations, and foreign diplomatic missions, including by the Office of the Special Envoy of the [UN] Secretary General for Yemen.
The Houthis’ campaign of arrests has been accompanied by an absence of due process or formal indictments, with the main accusation being that those detained were involved in “espionage” for an “American-Israeli spying network.” The Houthis have sought to silence dissent, pursue what they call a “radical change phase” in Yemen, which was frozen until July of this year, and tighten their control over society. They have used the detainees as a bargaining chip with international organizations at a time when the Houthis are feeling growing confidence, given their participation in the conflict against Israel due to the Gaza war.
Domestically, the Houthis have instilled fear in society, especially among civil society leaders. The accusations of “treason” and “espionage,” which have been framed as a “security achievement,” are designed to demonize the accused, prevent solidarity with them, shut down civic space, and stigmatize working for international organizations. Given the Houthis’ mismanagement of governance, they have also sought to shift blame for their shortcomings ahead of the 62nd anniversary of the establishment of the Yemeni republic on September 26, which removed the Zaydi Imamate the Houthis would like to reinstate.
Commemoration of the republican revolution last year, which allowed the public to signal its discontent with Houthi practices, delayed the latter’s “radical changes.” Set initially for late 2023, the anticipated measures include establishing new institutions, merging or disbanding others, changing government processes, introducing judicial amendments to undermine judicial independence and the separation powers, and forming another de facto government consistent with “faith identity.” The Houthis have done so, in part, by leveraging their reputational gains amid the Gaza war and a conspiracy-driven anti-Western discourse, given their ongoing military confrontation with the United States, the United Kingdom, and Israel. At heart, the changes they are looking to introduce reflect a Houthi vision for Yemen’s political system and constitution.
Externally, the Houthis aim to exert pressure on the international community, particularly UN agencies, to prevent their relocation to Aden, secure further concessions from them, and impose new restrictive rules. For example, in July the Houthi-created Supreme Council for the Management and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and International Cooperation (SCMCHA) demanded that international organizations working in Yemen consult with SCMCHA and seek its approval for the hiring of national and international staff, and share their internal organizational structures. The primary objective was to influence and control the appointment of employees in these institutions, especially those responsible for critical functions, so that loyalists could serve the Houthis by sharing information and shaping priorities.
By raiding offices, arresting information technology specialists, and confiscating private property—laptops, documents, and data—the Houthis also want to expand informational control by reinforcing a message of fear, namely that international organizations and their personnel cannot operate safely without their approval. The Houthis’ raiding of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ office on August 3, as well as confiscation of the agency’s property, represented a flagrant violation of international law. It also undermined Yemen’s obligations to protect foreign missions, effectively holding UN agencies hostage to Houthi objectives, making them more willing to play by Houthi rules in exchange for maintaining a presence in the country.
However, such demands risk leading to the gradual removal of qualified cadres, and will undermine professional management of humanitarian and development operations. They will also further weaken civil society. The expanding scope of the Houthis’ crackdown is a stark challenge to the progress Yemen has made over the past decades, especially as pertains to civic and political engagement and merit-based careers in international organizations.
To control all aid processes, SCMCHA, since its creation, has increased its restrictions, bureaucratic constraints, and interventions in the implementation and evaluation of humanitarian operations. In particular, the arrest and death sentence against Adnan al-Harazi, the CEO of Prodigy Systems, a company that conducts monitoring and evaluation assessments for major UN agencies, have been aimed at hampering transparency, accountability, and oversight efforts to reverse aid capture by the Houthis. The Houthis have sought to divert aid, particularly to their own combatants, and have also used it to maintain influence over the population. Aid also provides a valuable income stream, including to Houthi leaders who also receive salaries from UN agencies.
In a meeting in August with representatives of humanitarian organizations, SCMCHA’s secretary-general, Ibrahim al-Hamli, emphasized “the importance of verification of sources of information and avoiding falling into the trap of espionage,” as the council’s website put it. This signaled that the needs and audit assessments of international organizations, as well as information flows, would be subjected to greater scrutiny by the Houthis.
International reactions to the latest crackdown have been timid and largely uncoordinated. With limited means of pressure and the absence of a comprehensive Yemen strategy, the UN scaled back operations in Houthi-held areas to reduce the risks to its staff. Several donors froze their operations or relocated their offices to Aden. That said, a senior Sanaa-based UN official wanted to push for restoring business ties, regardless of the release of those arbitrarily detained. Someone who reacted more forcibly, however, was UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, who not only demanded the release of those arrested, but also defended staff by “categorically reject[ing] the [Houthis’] outrageous allegations.” The U.S. State Department also “condemn[ed] the Houthis’ efforts to spread disinformation regarding the role of detained current and former U.S. mission local staff through televised forced and fake ‘confessions.’”
While the scope of the Houthi crackdown is unprecedented and has shocked many inside and outside Yemen, further restrictions and campaigns targeting local and international organizations cannot be ruled out. The Houthis’ tactics do not bode well for a sustainable Yemeni peace process, and demonstrate their quest to consolidate power in a way consistent with their vision of the political order.
